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Saturday, October 25, 2008

The Order Of Things

Like a pig at the trough she sat with her cookie dough.
SNARF!
She wonders out loud," Why does my fat ass grow?"

He turns to reply & remembers he's no more than a sheep.
His answer has been supplied for him already.
CONFUSED!
But no more so then all his life
having been raised by goats.

The first in line is the Sows own,
she shares her possession not with the pace.
SICK!
Her offspring , self gratifying
and in need of her own room.

The last of the line,
Would be their defacement, for truth & justice are her way.
ALAS!
Ms. Piggy has a plan for snuffing out the will of others.
Now the last becomes the first.

All The While,
The Lord of The Manor watches from on HIGH.
MR. KNOW IT ALL!
The Self- Aggrandizing Creator of those graven images.
Ruler of those who speak from both sides of their faces.

Reigning down over all .
With His Queen of Hops: The Hobbling Matriarch Of Conceit & Coupons.
CASTING OUT!
Those who will not submit.
Those who wish to remain free.

You've heard it,
from this ton...
" THE BLOOD WILL TELL!"
the only requirement , stop listening
and start watching.


written by:K.M.H 10/25/2008

Wednesday, October 22, 2008

Response on the Bailout from Rep. John Boehner



Reply

Dear K.:

Thank you for contacting me regarding the economic rescue plan. I appreciate hearing from you.

Let me begin by saying that I am as angry as the thousands of constituents who contacted me about the economic rescue package. My constituents, and the American people, are angry that this has happened to them and are angry and terrified about what this means for their future. I share the same frustration and fears about our economy and its future, as this was one of the toughest votes I have ever had to cast. The economic rescue plan is not perfect. But the bipartisan plan was necessary because the risk of inaction is much higher than the risk of action. If I did not believe that we were on the brink of economic crisis; if I did not believe that inaction would catastrophically diminish our retirement savings and the ability of small businesses, college students, and homeowners to get loans; if I did not believe that inaction would imperil the bank accounts of the American people, it would have been the easiest thing in the world for me to have said no.

As the House Republican Leader, I sought to work together with the Administration and the congressional leadership, in a bipartisan way, to address this crisis that threatens the very foundation of our economy. I have heard from thousands of Americans that feel this rescue package has little to do with the realities of their day-to-day lives, that they were prudent with their own budget, and that they should not be on the hook for failures and greed on Wall Street. However, I believe that economic stabilization is necessary to address the problem for Main Street. A key indicator of our economy is the health of the credit market. The credit market, at its basic level, is the circulatory system of the economy. To a large extent, our economy operates on the constant and circular flow of funding from lenders to borrowers. Its smooth functioning is vital for businesses to fund their day-to-day operations, and for consumers to buy cars or obtain student loans. Now that credit system is paralyzed. A consequence of this paralysis is that banks are not lending to one another because they do not trust the financial health of other banks, and they feel the need to conserve capital to weather the next potential crisis. If left unaddressed, the problem in our credit market could further impair the ability of companies to meet payrolls or to finance expansions, leading to more job losses; make it increasingly difficult for prospective homebuyers to obtain mortgages or individuals to acquire car loans; and block students' access to college loans. In short, what some have called a huge "bailout for Wall Street" in fact aims at preventing painful consequences on Main Street.

A major component of the financial stress has been the boom and bust in housing. Over the past two decades, mortgages have increasingly been funded indirectly through asset-backed securities and non-bank lenders. In most cases, once a mortgage was made, the mortgage was sold by the entity that originated the loan to another institution, which pooled a large number of these loans together. From this pool, the institution then issued securities whose returns were based on the payments made on the underlying mortgages in the pool. For a variety of market and regulatory reasons, these mortgage-backed securities (MBS) became widely held by nearly every financial institution in the U.S. and in many institutions worldwide. It has been argued that rapid house price appreciation in some areas and low interest rates led to overconfidence by investors, lenders, borrowers, and regulators. Builders responded to higher prices with increased construction, and the pace of home price increases could not be sustained. Inventories of unsold homes began climbing and prices stagnated at the same time as short-term interest rates began rising. In 2006 and 2007, the rates of default and non-payment by mortgage holders increased significantly. Any borrowers, including those in the subprime market, who had depended on being able to refinance at low interest rates or depended on rapid home price appreciation found their plans frustrated and defaults occurred at increasing rates. The value of financial assets that depended on home owners making their payments, such as mortgage-backed securities (MBS), declined significantly. These losses have rippled through the financial system. Due largely to the uncertainty about what future mortgage default rates will be, as well as which financial institutions are currently holding MBS, financial markets have nearly frozen.

On September 21, 2008, the Secretary of Treasury Henry Paulson announced a proposal to allow the Department of Treasury to purchase up to $700 billion in unwanted mortgage-related assets from the balance sheets of financial institutions in an attempt to reduce disruptions in the financial system. Concerned that the American public would be left holding the bag for mismanaged companies, I requested a House Republican working group, including both moderate and conservative Members led by Rep. Eric Cantor (R-VA), to put forth a series of economic rescue principles aimed at ensuring the recovery is funded by Wall Street, not Main Street. On behalf of myself and my Republican colleagues, in a letter to Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) I outlined improvements to the rescue proposals necessary to forge an agreement. I reiterated that it must reflect core free-market, pro-taxpayer principles in order for a large majority of Republicans to support Secretary Paulson's plan.

The final rescue plan (H.R. 1424), signed into law on October 3, 2008, authorizes a purchase program, called the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), that allows the federal government to hold up to $700 billion in unwanted mortgages or mortgage-backed securities from the balance sheets of financial firms, and creates an insurance program to allow federal guarantees as an alternative to direct purchases. With 90 percent of mortgage payments being paid on-time, it is reasonable to expect a substantial payback, if not profit, in our investment. As the holder of billions of dollars in mortgage loans, the Treasury will create a plan to mitigate foreclosures and encourage servicers of mortgages to modify loans. Lastly, if after five years the government has lost money on the program, the president is required to submit a proposal for recouping the shortfall from firms that benefited from the program.

House Republicans stood on principle throughout the process of crafting the economic rescue legislation, and in doing so, we were able to secure numerous reforms on behalf of taxpayers. We fought for, and won, an increase in the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) cap from $100,000 to $250,000 to protect savings and small businesses. We fought successfully for inclusion of an insurance program, paid for by participating firms, that puts the financial burden on Wall Street instead of Main Street, a major change from the original plan proposed by the Treasury Department, which put too much burden on taxpayers. We pressed successfully for the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to change so-called "mark-to-market" rules for certain assets that have worsened the credit crisis. We also stripped out special-interest earmarks for trial lawyers, labor bosses, and thinly-veiled political organizations like ACORN that were included in the original deal struck between congressional Democrats and the Treasury Department.

Also, Republicans insisted on real accountability by limiting the Treasury Secretary to utilizing up to $250 billion initially, with another $100 billion available after the Secretary reports to Congress on what happened with the initial $250 billion; and by allowing Congress to withhold the remaining $350 billion. Republicans also insisted that taxpayers be first in line to recoup losses from participating financial institutions in the event they fail or lose money - not shareholders and certainly not corporate executives, and that irresponsible corporate executives at participating institutions not be rewarded with golden parachutes or severance pay. In addition, because of Republican efforts, the rescue plan helps local community banks across the country by allowing them to write off losses on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac mortgage assets they hold. While the Treasury's initial proposal had minimal oversight, House Republicans secured in the final bill a more rigorous oversight structure by creating a Financial Stability Oversight Board, a Special Inspector General, and a Congressional Oversight Panel, with an equal number of Democrats and Republicans.

Included in the final bill was a Senate-passed tax extender package that extends into current law tax cuts for two additional years. Inclusion of this $110 billion tax relief measure represents a win for taxpayers. Some have criticized the final economic rescue plan stating that it is a compilation of "earmarks" or "pork" intended to reward special interests. To the contrary, the bill contains extensions of dozens of provisions of general applicability that are widely supported across the political spectrum but that must be renewed on a temporary basis, including: a one-year patch of the AMT to prevent 21 million additional families from a tax increase; research and development tax credit to encourage cutting edge research and the jobs it supports to be conducted here in the U.S.; a deduction of state and local sales taxes from taxpayers' federal income returns; tax credits for construction of clean coal facilities; and renewable tax credits for the installation of wind, solar and biomass power plants, helping reduce our dependence on imported oil, among others. While other provisions, including those related to Puerto Rican rum and motorsports tracks, sound irrelevant and wasteful, it is important to note that these provisions are not new spending, are neither earmarks nor "pork," but rather are extensions of current tax deductions and credits. Rest assured, I have never accepted an earmark and continue to work hard to eliminate them.

Given current market volatility, Secretary Paulson has taken further action to strengthen market stability and restore confidence in our financial institutions, while the Department of Treasury simultaneously works to implement the TARP. Using $250 billion from the economic rescue bill, the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, Treasury is purchasing equity stakes in a wide array of banks and thrifts. Making such capital available will allow them to provide credit to our economy and make loans to businesses and consumers. Treasury will purchase shares of senior preferred stock and receive warrants for common shares. Preferred shares will pay cumulative dividends at a rate of 5 percent per year for the first five years, and at a rate of 9 percent per year thereafter. Participating institutions agree to accept restrictions on executive compensation, including a ban on "golden parachutes;" to help homeowners; and to lend money during the period that Treasury hold equity issued through the program. Nine large financial institutions already have agreed to participate in the program. While government owning a stake in any private U.S. company is objectionable, Treasury assures that the program will be limited in size, so that private investors retain control; limited in scope, so that the government cannot exercise any control over any private firm, and has voting rights that can only be used to protect the taxpayer's investment - not to direct the firm's operations; and limited in duration, with provisions to encourage banks to buy back their shares from the government when the markets stabilize and they can raise money from private investors.

I voted for the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, reluctantly, because I believe the risk of doing nothing was unacceptable. Doing nothing meant taking a huge gamble with the futures of Main Street Americans - families, retirees, students, small businesses and taxpayers. The legislation is designed to free up more capital to grow businesses, create jobs and let small businesses make major purchases, and to ensure that Americans can get approval for car loans, student loans, and other consumer credit.

The enactment of this flawed but necessary bill is not a cause for celebration. Taxpayers should never have been put in this position in the first place. Americans deserve answers on the origins of this economic crisis. Washington has failed the American people. There was no failure in our free-market system, of which I remain a strong proponent, but rather a failure of politicians and bureaucrats who were not fulfilling their oversight responsibility. Executives at Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and other firms were permitted to run rampant, engaging in free-wheeling and irresponsible business schemes that ultimately imperiled our economy. Combined, Fannie and Freddie not only securitize half of the nation's mortgage market but $1 trillion alone in subprime loans, yet they are not required to disclose the risk these mortgages posed to the solvency of their balance sheets because Congress has not required the same registration and reporting requirements of Fannie and Freddie as Congress does of all other publicly traded companies.

Over the last decade, Republicans have consistently sought fundamental reform of Fannie and Freddie, but our efforts were blocked by Democratic lawmakers who said no reform was needed. Former President Bill Clinton tried to initiate reforms and was rebuffed by his own party; President Bush tried in 2003 to take similar action but again was blocked by Democratic lawmakers who insisted Fannie and Freddie were "fundamentally sound financially." At the same time Democrats claimed there was "no crisis" at Fannie and Freddie, predatory subprime lending ran rampant, laying the foundation for the troubles that are playing out today. The transformation of Fannie and Freddie into the "Affordable Housing Center" was a laudable goal, but to push predatory subprime lending to unspeakable heights and to encourage questionable lending practices, believing housing prices would continue to soar, was reckless. In addition, the politicization of Fannie and Freddie over the last decade seriously undermined the credibility of the organizations and prevented their restructuring and reform, with Democrats viewing any attempt at curtailing their behavior as an attempt at curtailing affordable housing. The motivations for Fannie and Freddie to gamble with taxpayer money on bad nonprime mortgage bets were not entirely a matter of good intentions gone awry. Greed and corruption were unfortunately part of the equation as well. The size and growth of Fannie and Freddie leading up to their collapse were nothing short of astonishing. There is no debate that Fannie and Freddie share responsibility for the housing crisis that has preceded today's market turmoil. It is outrageous that the partisan congressional hearings being conducted on the origins of the crisis have been designed to steer clear of any such discussion.

After numerous requests by Republicans to hold a hearing on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac's role in the financial crisis denied, Chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Henry Waxman (D-CA) has since agreed, however has yet to set a date or call on witnesses such as Franklin Raines and other former Fannie and Freddie executives. Chairman Waxman's refusal to examine the true roots of the problem solely to shield his fellow Democrats politically is irresponsible and cheats the American people of key facts that could help all of us learn how we got here and what we must do to make certain this situation never repeats itself. American families should never again be put in this situation. The crisis in our economy is an outrage, because it is a crisis that could have been avoided. It is a failure of a broken Washington in dire need of fundamental reform.

Thank you again for contacting me with your thoughts. Please don't hesitate to inform me of your concerns in the future. To sign up for email updates, I invite you to visit my website at http://johnboehner.house.gov/Forms/Form/?ID=89.


Sincerely,

John A. Boehner